My stay in China as part of the DongFang scholarship program at Peking University (PKU) allowed me to immerse in the heart of China’s institutional and administrative architecture, to meet high-ranking officials responsible for strategic departments, as well as distinguished academics. Visits to cutting-edge industrial sites gave me the opportunity to observe remarkable technological advances, which I see as a major opportunity for our countries. Our delegation, comprising 58 countries, took part in high-level roundtables where substantive policy arguments were made by officials and representatives from many nations. It is important to convey the substance of these discussions.
Many countries of the Global South are facing critical challenges against a backdrop of regional tensions and conflicts: political instability, security threats, and negative economic impacts stemming from the uncertainties generated by conflicts in the Middle East and Eastern Europe. This situation seems to be triggering an identity-based withdrawal and a protectionist reflex, perhaps signaling the end of the era of broad globalization, and indeed plunging us into a new era of global upheaval. While the two major military powers are engaged in conflicts, a third power—China—thanks to a three-pronged strategy combining peaceful diplomacy, internal economic reforms, and openness to the global market through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), continues to make decisive advances, sometimes very quietly.
So what is China really doing? Benefiting from domestic political stability that ensures remarkable continuity in its development policies, and from the application of the principle of non-interference internationally, which keeps it out of direct conflicts, China has just adopted its 15th Five-Year Plan. Studying this plan reveals an original conception: unlike classic development plans, which are essentially focused on the domestic market, the Chinese plan is in fact a global five-year plan. In many respects, its agenda is directed at the international market, particularly the countries of the South, and proposes multiple development cooperation and investment mechanisms.
This agenda is driven by the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), a strategic body that we had the privilege of visiting and with which we held a high-level discussion in the presence of Mr. Zhou Haibing, Vice Chairman, and Mr. Pan Jiang, Director General of the International Cooperation Department. This plan is structured around four major pillars, as outlined by Mr. Zhou: “The main lines of the 15th Five-Year Plan for Economic and Social Development set a series of targets covering economic development, innovation, public welfare, the green transition, and security.”
I wish to illustrate this unprecedented model of governance, reform, and monitoring-evaluation by citing Khan Ihsaan Afzal, Coordinator to the Prime Minister of Pakistan on Commerce and Industry: « We are closely observing your deployment of ‘new quality productive forces.’ By stimulating innovation in advanced manufacturing industries, digital ecosystems, and green technologies, the NDRC is redefining what productivity means in the 21st century. This is not just GDP growth for the sake of numbers; it is the creation of a high-value, self-sustaining economic ecosystem ».
This visit to the NDRC allowed me to see that many think tanks, research institutes, and laboratories are attached to this commission. Ms. Liu Yue, who was present at our meeting, is Deputy Director of the Institute of International Economic Research (IIER), a think tank under the commission. In a recent interview, she highlighted several important points: ” China’s development has never been about going alone, but about sharing development dividends with others. The 15th Five-Year Plan is not only about China’s high-quality development. One can look through the plan and know where the action is, where the profits are and where one actually can win in the future. The first one is industrial upgrade and innovation. In the plan, there are clearly three main areas: upgrading traditional industries, developing emerging industries and advancing future industries. The second opportunity lies in green development. During the 15th Five-Year Plan period, the country will build around 100 zero-carbon industrial parks and more than 10,000 kilometers of zero-carbon transportation corridors. The fourth opportunity is institutional opening-up. “We have shortened the negative list for market access. We have removed all restrictions in the manufacturing sector and we will further open up the services sector,” she said. I would add that these are not only opportunities for private companies, but above all for the countries of the Global South that we are.
The countries of the South, which represent two-thirds of the world’s population and contribute approximately 80% of global economic growth, constitute a major force for preserving peace and global governance. They should not, therefore, observe current upheavals with indifference. Strengthening cooperation with China, given its economic and diplomatic weight, in a spirit of solidarity, understanding, and resilience, is essential. The Chinese development experience could serve as a white paper for many countries of the South. As Mr. Mustain Billah from Bangladesh reminded us: ” for many developing countries today, the challenge resembles what China faced in the 1980s. On the one hand, we must catch up with technological advances such as AI and robotics. On the other hand, we must still address the basic problems of poverty and inadequate public infrastructure. “
This dynamic of enhanced diplomatic and economic cooperation, which I advocate, should not surprise analysts of Chinese diplomacy, as it aligns perfectly with the principles and characteristics of China’s foreign policy. A meeting with Vice Minister Jin Xin of the International Department of the CPC Central Committee helped clarify the framework of diplomatic governance. The four principles governing Chinese diplomatic relations are: equality, non-interference in internal affairs, mutual respect, and non-intervention. The two most structuring concepts of Chinese diplomacy are, on the one hand, the “community of shared future for mankind” (or community of common destiny), a central concept advocating global governance based on cooperation, mutual benefit, and peace; and on the other hand, the “comprehensive strategic partnership,” a preferred bilateral framework that goes beyond economic cooperation to encompass political coordination, security, culture, and people-to-people exchanges. These two concepts are complementary: the first sets a universal vision for the international order, while the second applies it at the level of relations between states.
During our meeting with the Vice Minister, Ms. Marisa Ramlogan, Vice President of the National Women’s Branch of the United National Congress of Trinidad and Tobago, aptly illustrated this characteristic of Chinese diplomacy that grants equality to all nations. She stated: ” Whenever I travel abroad, especially to countries much larger than ours, I sometimes joke that people first have to pause for a moment and search carefully for Trinidad and Tobago on the map. And when they finally find us in the Caribbean, they often realize we are small in size, but certainly not small in spirit, culture, or ambition. » That did not prevent the chinese Head of State from going to Trinidad and Tobago during his first official visits. ” After assuming office in 2012, President Xi Jinping chose Trinidad and Tobago as one of the destinations of his first overseas visits as President a gesture that the people of our country continue to remember with deep respect and appreciation. One of the most meaningful outcomes of that visit was the gift of the Couva Children’s Hospital, constructed by Shanghai Construction Group. “
Moreover, to give substance to this diplomatic vision—and indeed, one might say, this vision of global governance—China has multiplied its initiatives in recent years. Here are a few examples:
- The Global Development Initiative (GDI), proposed in 2021, aims to accelerate the implementation of the UN’s 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda.
- The Global Security Initiative (GSI), proposed in 2022, promotes a vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security.
- The Global Civilization Initiative (GCI), proposed in 2023, calls for respect for the diversity of civilizations and for their shared enrichment.
- The Global Governance Initiative (GGI), proposed in 2025, formulates a Chinese approach to reforming and improving the global governance system.
During our meeting, Mr. Jin Xin indicated that “120 countries and organizations have already joined these various initiatives. We need to consider how they operate and encourage more countries to join. They are not intended to bypass the UN, but to support its agenda and the 2030 SDGs. Moreover, China has already begun to reflect on the global development agenda beyond the MDGs and SDGs; we want to place shared prosperity at the heart of this agenda.”
In this dynamic, I sincerely believe that the countries of the Global South should position themselves, especially since, to promote economic and cultural exchanges and prepare for the future global agenda, China launched the Global South Think Tanks Alliance in 2024. This alliance, aimed at strengthening South-South cooperation, brings together more than 200 think tanks from emerging and developing countries.
What about Africa amid all these coming upheavals? The advocacy for Africa could not be more poignant than that of Mr. Luther Limbani Mambala, advisor to the Head of State of Malawi on NGO affairs. His statement is unequivocal: “I know that China will continue to open its market and invest. Its comprehensive industrial system, its clean technologies, its vast market—all of this will continue to build confidence, inject energy, and create opportunities for the world, for the Global South, for Africa, for Malawi. This is a unique opportunity. Let us seize it.”
To this resounding plea, Mr. Jin Xin responded frankly: “China has carried out projects like the Mombasa-Nairobi railway and the Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway line. For the next steps, we will continue development efforts. The primary goal is shared, and we hope to have projects tailored to your conditions and needs, so that they are not excessively costly. An intercontinental high-speed rail project may be very expensive, but we can help with highways and achieve targeted objectives.” According to him, China must support the implementation of the African Union’s action plan. China is ready to support the flagship projects of the AU’s Agenda 2063, which identifies key programs to accelerate Africa’s economic growth and development. The cards are therefore being dealt. We must sit around the table and, this time, secure our own interests.
Habibou Dia is the Director of Communications at Senegal’s Ministry of Communication, Telecommunications, and Digital Technology. He has recently been involved in drafting Senegal’s first advertising code, which was adopted by the Council of Ministers, as well as the new law establishing the new media regulatory authority. The work on this law makes Senegal the first country to establish a regulatory body whose jurisdiction is not limited to traditional media and which is composed of technocrats recruited through an open call for applications.
Prior to that, Mr. Dia worked for nearly seven years for the United Nations. He served for three years as a Public Information Officer (PIO) at the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, covering 15 countries in West Africa, and before that for UNFPA, covering 23 countries in West and Central Africa. He also worked for the African industrialist Dangote as part of his expansion into Senegal
