From Sudan to the DRC and Mozambique, armed groups prey on refugees to instil fear and consolidate power.
On the second anniversary of Sudan’s civil war in mid-April, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) attacked Zamzam in North Darfur, the country’s largest Internally Displaced People (IDP) camp. An estimated 400 000 IDPs were forced to flee. Most went to neighbouring Tawila camp about 60 km away, while others, with nowhere to go, were forced to return.
Reports at the time suggested that over 100 people were killed during the four-day attack. However, an investigation by The Guardian revealed that the ethnic massacre claimed more than 1 500 lives, with at least 2 000 still missing.
The report also detailed large-scale abductions of women believed to have been trafficked to nearby towns. Militants committed sexual violence, burned property and shot indiscriminately. It was the second-largest massacre since the civil war began in 2023, contributing to what is now the world’s largest humanitarian and displacement crisis.
Before the assault, Zamzam was home to over 700 000 people, mostly women and children. It has been under siege by RSF, which has blocked humanitarian aid. Famine was declared in August 2024, and residents face acute starvation.
Both the RSF and Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have been accused of systematically obstructing humanitarian support in areas controlled by rivals. SAF has now cut off aid to Zamzam and beyond as a part of a strategy to starve rebel-held areas and weaponise hunger. SAF also restricted aid flows into Darfur and tried to prevent the world’s hunger watchdog from declaring a famine.
The RSF has forced aid organisations in the region to register with them to boost the group’s legitimacy. It has extorted bribes for access, intruded on procurement, looted supplies and kidnapped aid workers.
In international human rights and humanitarian law, IDPs are – as civilians – considered ‘internationally protected persons’ when displaced as a result of armed conflict. Attacking them or blocking aid is a war crime. Yet, enforcement and accountability remain major challenges.
The most useful international instrument for tackling these crimes is the African Union’s Kampala Convention on internally displaced persons, which Sudan has not signed. It is Africa’s first legally binding instrument on the issue, providing measures to prevent and prepare for internal displacement, and guidelines on interpreting and implementing legal obligations.
Despite these protections, IDPs are easily targeted by armed groups seeking to assert their power – and the challenge is not unique to Sudan.
In the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), similar tactics are used by multiple warring parties, including the M23, Allied Democratic Forces and, to some extent, the Wazalendo militia. In January and February, M23 rebels captured Goma from the Congolese armed forces. Fighters systematically destroyed and emptied most of the 28 displacement camps in and around the city, giving IDPs 72 hours to return to their villages.
Approximately 350 000 IDPs were forced to flee as camps were targeted with heavy artillery and looting that destroyed over 70 000 emergency shelters. Many displaced people who later returned to the camps found their homes reoccupied.
Sexual violence against women surged to staggering levels across North Kivu in 2024, as refugee camps were bombed and hundreds of shelters were burned. The destruction and razing of aid infrastructure in Goma have caused, among other things, a cholera outbreak. Militants destroyed over US$700 000 worth of water and sanitation infrastructure, such as pipelines, latrines and tanks, forcing people to drink from contaminated streams and lakes.
As in Sudan, warring parties have set up roadblocks and attacked and extorted aid providers. Humanitarian workers have been forced to take circuitous routes through Rwanda, pay exorbitant taxes or fees, and delay vital aid distribution.
Deep funding cuts have further reduced aid organisations’ ability to respond. In the DRC, the UN froze an investigation into war crimes due to a lack of funds, diminishing the possibility of accountability and justice for citizens. Peace in the region is unlikely anytime soon, despite US and Qatar-brokered agreements that also lack accountability mechanisms.
In Cabo Delgado in Northern Mozambique, insurgent groups have attacked essential civilian infrastructure and detonated improvised explosive devices near IDP sites, causing civilian casualties. Militants have ambushed and looted humanitarian aid and delayed assistance to affected communities.
In May 2024, insurgents attacked civilian and humanitarian sites in Macomia, which hosts the third largest number of IDPs in Cabo Delgado. They assaulted aid workers, looted food supplies and kidnapped humanitarian staff, causing the World Food Programme to suspend its operations. The IDP situation remains precarious despite security gains and many refugees returning home.
So far in 2025, over 95 000 people have fled Cabo Delgado, and humanitarian access is challenging. In May, the sharpest rise in violence was recorded since mid-2022. Fighting has intensified, and in June, the Global Protection Cluster issued an alert that violent extremism and cyclones are eroding the protection situation in Cabo Delgado.
Unlike Sudan, the DRC and Mozambique are party to the Kampala Convention. They are also among 19 African countries that have developed policies, laws or other tools to address internal displacement. These are a useful first step, but the mammoth task remains of using them to deter the targeting of IDPs or, failing that, ensure accountability.
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Mozambique has made some efforts to respond, including by adopting a five-year Policy and Strategy for Internal Displacement Management – a collaborative effort between the government, the UN refugee agency, the National Institute for Disaster Risk Management and Reduction and local authorities.
The new plan is building resilience and shielding IDPs from further harm by supporting community structures, expanding livelihood opportunities and ensuring timely and appropriate care for vulnerable groups. It also enables some IDPs to return home safely.
In all three countries, the lack of accountability for targeting IDPs means that perpetrators are undeterred from committing future attacks. The impunity gap left by governments can and should be filled at the regional and continental levels. Adopting instruments like the Kampala Convention is one small piece of the puzzle. The bigger challenge is full implementation.
Ottilia Anna Maunganidze, Head of Special Projects, ISS
Aimée-Noël Mbiyozo, Senior Research Consultant, Migration, ISS
